In a historic moment in August 2001, our people went to the polls and chose their own leader. Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche won the elections with a sweeping majority of nearly 86% of the 29,000 votes, becoming the Tibetan people’s first elected Prime Minister. In a recent visit to the southern city of Chennai, the Prime Minister spoke to our correspondent Tenzin Pema about his government’s many initiatives, achievements and more.

TWM: Rinpoche la, I begin by asking you the one question that is on many people’s minds. Many Tibetan activists, Tibetans and Tibetan supporters have been afraid of what might happen to the Tibetan issue and the Tibetans during the period after His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Do you think the attention that the world is paying to the Tibetan issue now, would wane away during that time? What do you think the situation will be like then?

P.M.: The present Dalai Lama has already thought about what the situation of the Tibetan issue will be like, after he passes away and before the 15th Dalai Lama becomes mature enough to lead the Tibetan people. He has also thought of a situation where there might not be a 15th Dalai Lama. Therefore, keeping all this in mind, His Holiness has repeatedly called upon the Tibetan people to stand on their own feet and not remain dependent on the Dalai Lamas. He has also urged the people to have a democratic set-up by which they can choose their own leadership and this is in practice now. And now, since we have begun electing the Kalon Tripa1 directly, by all the Tibetans in exile, the elected Kalon Tripa should be able to lead the Tibetan community and continue our struggle.

There is a definite likelihood for a temporary setback in the international scenario if the Tibetan issue is unresolved in the present Dalai Lama’s lifetime and if we have to continue our struggle in exile. However, that will have to be dealt with by the people themselves through their elected representatives. The Tibetan people alone can lead and continue their struggle and I truly believe that our democracy is mature enough and so, there should not be any problem.

TWM: Of late, we have been seeing some very poor performance by Tibetan students in academics, which is most starkly reflected in the board results. How did this happen?

P.M.: One must take into consideration the fact that the recent deterioration in the performance of Tibetan students, especially in the board results, is mostly due to the improvement of supervision and vigilance during the examinations. The usage of unfair means at the time of exams is at now at 0% level. (Deleted the sentence) The decline in the grades of students has been alarming but that is not as bad when one considers the morality of the students. The unsatisfactory manner of imparting education in most of our Tibetan schools is also responsible for the poor performance of Tibetan students in the board exams.

TWM: With the problems so apparent, what moves has your government made to right the present education system?

P.M.: We have decided to bring about a substantial change in the education front, both in the administration and in the education system. As far as the administration of schools is concerned, we can only give certain guidelines and suggestions since many of the schools, with the most number of students, are run by autonomous bodies (the CTSA2 and the TCV3).
However, we have attached the basic importance to making substantial changes in the education policies and also in the education system. First of all, we shall have to educate the teachers in an entirely different way. There will be two different kinds of teachers training, a short term training for those who are already working as teachers and a long term one, of three and half years duration, for others, who would also need to hold a B. Ed degree and then undergo special training. The courses are being prepared and researched. So the process of teacher training is the first step in the implementation of our new education policy. We are also in the process of setting up one or two model schools. Through these model schools, where we would be implementing the new education policy in totality, we would be able to show how the new education policy works. Last September our new education policy was approved by the parliament and we are now in the process of implementing it. In the beginning of the next financial year (April 2005) onwards, we will start the teachers training courses. It is of course a long-term process but I’m quite hopeful that in the future there would be a visible improvement in our education system. It would take another ten to fifteen years before the students reach the 10th or the + 2 level. So, only then we’ll be able to assess the change.

TWM: Unemployment has suddenly become a serious cause for concern in our Tibetan society. How did this happen and how does your government view this problem?

P.M.: We’re taking this very seriously. But the problem of unemployment is a phenomenon of the post-modern education system and not the problem of the Tibetan community alone. The source of this growing phenomenon is the present education system. Today’s education system does not empower the educated younger generations to become self sufficient and self-supportive. Children are no longer able to carry out the very same work of their ancestors. Instead, the present education system tends to make the present generation entirely dependent on someone else to employ them and pay them wages.

TWM: So what has your government been doing to solve this problem? And how long do you think it will take before the problem of unemployment is eradicated from the Tibetan community?

P.M.: Our new education policy will take care of this problem. Firstly, we will not be encouraging anyone to go in for higher education without examining the academic aptitudes of the students. Also we emphasize the necessity of having a specific objective and a vision in mind, for without that, going in for higher education is not a good proposition. Besides this, there are non-governmental organizations that are currently involved in the process of finding jobs for the unemployed people and we have been working in close collaboration with them. We have also set up an exclusive Employment Exchange in the Department of Home Affairs to co-ordinate the employer – employee ratio, which is now in the initial stages of implementation. Our government has also set aside a huge budget for the Padme project. With this project we run the huge training center, in the outskirts of Bangalore, where many of the unemployed youths of our society receive training in about seven different trades. After the initial training, many of them are given some capital, either as a group or as individuals, to set up their own enterprise in nearby areas or in their settlements. So, through this project we are able to generate employment for at least 220 people every year. But this number is obviously a very small number in comparison to the number of unemployed youths in our society.

Considering the fact that unemployment has become a huge problem in our society, we have been and still are trying our best to address it to the best of our ability. However, I am aware that we would not be able to reduce the number of unemployed youths to zero level in just a few years time. It will definitely take some time.

TWM: His Holiness the Dalai Lama has been constantly appealing to the Tibetan young to specialize in one field and make their mark in that. But there are very few students who are able to do so. Is your government failing to help the students or…?

P.M.: The department of education can help the students by providing scholarships. As a result, we have earmarked huge amounts of money as scholarships to help professional trainees and those interested in specializing in a particular subject. However, our government has been receiving very few applicants and most often the few applicants that we do receive, do not always fulfil the criteria. So it has becoming quite worrying, the fact that, for quite sometime now we have been producing all kind of mediocres but very few people who actually excel in what they do. For example, till date we have educated more than 40, 000 Tibetans during the last 40 years, but we still cannot boast of having even a single person in various professions. Many times we have to rely on Indians to drive our vehicles or to handle the electricity. This is very worrying and one begins to feel that if Tibet does get autonomy, we just might end up depending on the Chinese or Western experts for a lot of things. So despite all talk of unemployment, there are many posts in the Tibetan government in exile that never gets occupied by a Tibetan.

TWM: You have always stressed on the need for a more transparent government, which is accountable to both the people and the press. However, many journalists complain of not receiving adequate information from the Tibetan government. Do you think this says something about the transparency of the government in power and the press freedom in the Tibetan community?

P.M.: We consider the right to information and the freedom of the press, one of the fundamental requisites for a proper democracy. So, as far as the Executive branch is concerned, we function in an absolutely transparent manner and remain accessible to all journalists. Recently, my government also appointed spokespersons in each department, so that those journalists seeking any kind of information could directly approach that particular department’s spokesman. Even the Kashag4 has kept most of its functions transparent except those, which are by nature of its activity, necessary to be kept confidential. As for the independent bodies, we do not have any control over them, but I believe that they too remain accountable to the press and the people.

TWM: In your acceptance speech as the first Kalon Tripa, you declared that you would work towards formulating different ways to implement the Gandhian concept of Gram Swaraj5 at the very grass root level, in our Tibetan settlements. How much of this have you been able to achieve, so far?

P.M.: In terms of quantification, there has not been much achievement, but people at the very grass root levels are beginning to understand what I meant and what I expect from them. One of the visible actions to change the lifestyle of our people in various settlements has been, changing their agriculture system from chemical to purely organic and natural farming. Of course, this switch cannot take place overnight and we definitely need some time for this transformation in the agricultural system to take place. But in the past two years, the people, by and large, realize the merits of organic farming and also the disadvantages of chemical farming. They have now begun to accept the appeal for changing the agricultural system technically and this acceptance means a lot to me. So, I believe that in three to four years time, the agricultural system could be transformed into an entirely non-violent one. And in this way, the people too would be happier with their agricultural produce. With this, their lifestyles would gradually change and in the near future there would be some visible changes in our settlements.

TWM: Your financial policy, of privatization of government business establishments, met with a substantial degree of dissenting voices in the Tibetan society. Do you think they were justified in voicing their dissent? If not, why?

P.M.: I don’t think there has been many dissenting voices. As far as the Kashag is concerned, we have not received even a single dissenting opinion for my financial policy. It was unanimously approved by the parliament with absolutely no criticism from the grass root level. There was, though some unhappiness, especially, among those who were employed in our business establishments and were benefiting from it. I think we should not attach any importance to them since they speak in their own interests and not in the interest of the Tibetan people or the government in exile. For that matter also, we have not harmed anyone in the course of privatization. The new honor has been given the responsibility to take entirety of our employees without any retrenchment, with similar benefits being accorded to them. Also special compensation is being given to those who wish to opt out and arrangements have been made to adjust them into government service if they do not wish to proceed to the new honor; this way each one of them is given a secure future. Of course, they cannot remain in the same comfortable position as they used to but we believed that it was not fair for some people to enjoy at the cost of the public money.

TWM: Rinpoche la, how successful do you think your financial policy has been? What is the current financial situation of the Tibetan government like?

P.M: In my view, the new financial policy was indeed a great success. I consider this as one of the few achievements in my tenure as Kalon Tripa. Now, all our business establishments are being privatized or closed down as a result of which there is no leakage of our money in terms of losses, unrecovered loans, mishandling, mismanagement or embezzlement. We’ve ensured that all these have been 100% stopped. Secondly, there were large loan sums taken from the people, which would most certainly have been lost. We have been to able repay all these loans with interest to their owners. At present we have already repaid around 80% of our debts and the remaining 20% will be repaid during next financial year. So with this, there will not be any loan to repay once we give up office by the end of 2006. On the other hand, the endowment fund would have increased to more than 100%, by that time and that contribution would come just out of the interest postings of the capital amount put in the endowment fund. Therefore, the financial situation of the Tibetan government in exile will become a sustainable one, a permanent one. This also means that even if our outside donors do not contribute in large amounts, our lives would not be affected for want of money.

TWM: At the time you took up office, ‘limiting of administrative spending to the absolute necessity’ was high on your agenda. Has this move also helped improve the Tibetan economy? How have you gone about limiting the administrative expenditure to the very minimum?

P. M.: Yes! Administrative expenditure has been theoretically cut down to a little more than 50% while practically it has been cut down 30%. By theoretical, what I mean is that the many interdepartmental payments or internal cash transactions from one department to another, which was in system when we took office, have now been stopped. Although this does not mean much in terms of savings, yet our transactions have now reduced in the account books. The other means by which we have saved huge sums have been by blocking the various ways by which leakage of money takes place. Centralization of various facilities has also contributed to savings. For example, the expenditure on vehicles and fuels has been reduced to more than 50% just by holding all vehicles at one place and regulating their usage. We have also cut down on travelling expenses and on the telephone bills of all departments. In many cases, the reduction of telephone bills for some offices is around 80%, particularly the phone bills of individual Kalons6 and individual secretaries. Thus we have imposed drastic cuts in administrative spending and although we have not calculated the entirety of the savings in terms of time or amount, yet there has been a lot of savings. So at this moment the administrative expenditure of the Tibetan government in exile is at the lowest level, when compared to the previous years.

TWM: We have seen a gradual deterioration in the world media’s understanding of the Tibetan issue. Your comments.

P.M: The media’s understanding of the Tibetan issue is almost at the level of zero. In 1959 and during the 60’s and early 70’s there were so many journalists who were extremely well versed in the Tibetan issue. But during the 70’s and early 80’s, there was a complete black out of the Tibetan issue in the media scenario. Thereafter, the Tibetan issue has been written about in the media, but today’s journalists do not have any understanding of the real Tibetan issue. In the past we did not have trouble discussing any issue with the media. Today, one needs to spend a considerable amount of time in just educating them with the background, before coming to the current issue. Without any understanding of the history it is difficult to understand the current issue and many times the media deliberately misinterprets certain information. This is a problem we face, not only with the Indian or world media, but also with the Tibetan media. So it is indeed difficult for us.

TWM: Only ten years after the 10th Penchen Lama was first recognized by His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the voices raised against the Chinese seems to have died down. Does this imply a gradual acceptance of the situation on the part of the Tibetan government or a disinterest on the part of the media?

PM: As far as the Tibet government in exile is concerned, we mention the Penchen Lama and Tulku Tenzin Delek, in almost all periodical statements that we make. These two people, especially in the recent times, have become the symbol of our issue and our focus. There are however two things that have to be considered. Firstly, time is a major factor, because as time goes by, people tend to forget the gravity of the issue. Secondly, China has been successful in keeping the Penchen Lama issue in a very different light each time the Chinese leaders speak to their external counterparts, in both the international and bilateral scenario. People also tend become tired of it after sometime, but if something new happens then we might see some change. However, I can say that this issue is very much alive and has not absolutely died down.

TWM: There seems to be a lack of eagerness on the part of the Tibetans in exile to return to their homeland, if Tibet is eventually a free nation. Is this a serious cause for concern? What do you have to say about this?

P.M: And independent Tibet or an autonomous Tibet is important for the Tibetans living in Tibet. The Tibetans outside Tibet are only a few in number when compared to those in Tibet and whether they want to return to their land, is ultimately their own choice. No one would be compelled to return if they don’t want to. After all, one’s own land is one’s own land; and I firmly believe that when Tibet becomes autonomous or free, the majority of the Tibetans in the Tibetan Diaspora would like to return to Tibet. Even if they don’t wish to (Deleted Repeated Word) stay there permanently, they could still live in two different countries. Every country has many people living outside the country who contribute in the nation building. Therefore, I do not stress that everybody should return to Tibet, but I do believe that everyone should be loyal to his/her homeland and I’m sure they will be.

TWM: How much of a role do you believe education plays in the attainment of our freedom?

P.M: Education is an absolutely indispensable pre requisite for any nation to get freedom. Having said that, I have to mention that even uneducated people have a sense of patriotism. In the past, education was not universal in Tibet and the number of educated people were a minority. The impact of education is definitely felt many times, but many of our people who sacrificed their lives for our country included many so called uneducated people. Thus, education is of course important but it does not mean that unless you are educated you cannot be patriotic or you cannot work for the nation.

TWM: We seem to be especially good at demonstrations and hunger strikes to protest any move made by the Chinese. How relevant are they? Are there no other constructive measure besides the strike mantra and demonstrations?

P.M: Demonstrations and hunger strikes were one of the methods used by people, in the past, as non-violent means of resistance. It is however, not very relevant in the current situation, especially, since we fall into two separate constituencies - one in Tibet and another outside Tibet. Demonstrations made outside the country, without any real contact with the oppressor, will not be an entirely successful one. My administration has been putting up a list of constructive measures and I hope that in the near future we will be able to issue a series of constructive measures, that could be undertaken in support of Tibetans by the various non- governmental organizations and also by the people themselves. I don’t condemn the demonstrations or hunger strikes, but I believe that, that is not enough and not appropriate at the moment. Although, I don’t have any of the constructive measures to speak about just now, yet we are definitely in the process of evolving these alternative measures.

TWM: Does your government intend to follow the same China policy of negotiations with the Chinese side?

P.M: Definitely Yes! We will continue to rigorously follow the same China policy of negotiations with the Chinese side. After our third round of talks there has emerged some positive developments. Both sides have exchanged free, frank and detailed discussions. We are now in a much better position since we are aware about which areas the other side agrees upon and in areas where there are disagreements. With this clarity and the understanding of the areas of disagreement, we are now able to make concentrated efforts to find some common ground. Thus, we will definitely be doubling our efforts for more negotiations with the Chinese side.

TWM: We Tibetans seem to be facing a major crisis of losing our culture both in Tibet and outside Tibet- in Tibet, due to growing sinocization and in exile, due to westernisation. How seriously do you view these two?

P.M: Although the disappearance of one’s culture is a major crisis, yet I am not very afraid. Both westernisation and sinocization will not make the basic Tibetan mindset change. Younger Tibetans maybe influenced for sometime but with experience and age, they usually find their way back to their roots. In Tibet too, sinocization maybe a major move by the Chinese to eradicate our culture, but ultimately, that is through force and force can never change the course of the human heart. There might be some apparent change, but I believe that these changes can be restored to however it was previously.

TWM: How satisfied are you with your work so far as the first Tibetan Prime Minister?

P.M: (Laughs…) I can’t say I’m unhappy, despite the fact, that I’m not really satisfied. For that matter I have never been satisfied with any work that I’ve done. Similarly, Kalon Tripa’s task was a very difficult one; and I was aware from the very beginning that I would not be able to do much. I have not been able to implement even 25% of what I had in mind. Nevertheless, I respected the people’s mandate and with my cabinet of ministers I have tried my level best. For those things that could not be done and will not be done, I have no regrets. I’m however quite happy with the fact that the path has been made for a democratic set-up. All policies, rules, regulations have been sufficiently laid out and now, if any one else came to power, they can move ahead, since the foundation has been more or less well laid out.

TWM: Would you take office as the next Prime Minister, if you have a clear majority again?

P.M: (laughs) I think it is too soon for me to make any comment. But, we hope that the next time the people go to polls, it would be the younger generation that would come forth and take up the initiative of leading the people. So it is our dream to see someone from the secular younger generation as the Tibetan people’s next leader.

TWM: Since this is your first ever interview with Tibetan World, what would your message to the Tibetan people be?

P.M: I appeal to the Tibetan people to unite themselves under the leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, since this is our last opportunity to do something united. Of course, I do not expect people to not have varying opinions; that is undoubtedly, the basic right of the people, and is particularly important in a democratic society. We should have plurality and not singularity, plurality of ideas and programs, but at the same time we must make a united effort as far as the Tibetan struggle is concerned. You might not agree to with the Middle Way approach adopted by His Holiness, but despite these disagreements, one must ensure that he/she does not hinder the progress of the middle way approach. We must not show our divisions of opinion before our opponent and must instead show our unity and our consolidated efforts, under the leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Therefore, it is perfectly acceptable if one desires complete independence and works towards that, however, such efforts should not be in opposition to the Tibetan government’s efforts. Our people must understand the situation inside Tibet and the need for working towards some positive changes there, which cannot be put away any longer; and for that, we need the people’s united effort.
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